![]() ![]() While it is difficult to provide an exact count, it is safe to say that there are countless variations and interpretations of graffiti alphabet letters.Īrtists often develop their own unique styles within broader categories, combining different elements to create their personal aesthetics. This pushes the boundaries of what is a distinct type. Graffiti alphabets, exploring various lettering styles and their artistic attributes.Ī detailed look at the several types of graffiti alphabets and letter styles.Īs graffiti art is a highly creative and evolving art form, artists continuously experiment with different lettering styles.A detailed look at the several types of graffiti alphabets and letter styles.In both the EU and Australia, threats to media freedom are a trigger for a call in and review on national security grounds. The bid by Abu Dhabi-backed RedBird IMI for this very newspaper is another example. The proposal to merge the mobile phone operators Three and Vodafone is case in point, given the connections between Three’s owners CK Hutchinson with longstanding connections with the Chinese state. Our allies are bringing forward reforms that make it harder for those who do not share our values to buy firms that push the boundaries of technology, or amass data on citizens, or safeguard the media freedoms which are so essential to our way of life. Yet while our allies in the US and Europe are reinforcing their defences and protecting strategic assets with a “higher fence”, we risk lowering our guard. Indeed, investment from such sources has multiplied over five-fold to almost a quarter of trillion pounds. Over the last 13 years, foreign direct investment into the UK has grown, but so too has inward investment from offshore sources, dictatorships, and countries classed as only “partially free”. But, this defence regime has not kept up with the times. The Business Secretary has the power to call-in transactions for further investigation, and to impose conditions or block them, should they threaten our national security. ![]() ![]() In theory, the National Security and Investment Act lets ministers screen takeovers and investments into strategically important UK firms. It’s the freedom to wander in and simply buy our assets that they wish. We cannot go on with a situation where we are sending the RAF 3,000 miles to strike Iranian-backed proxies in the Middle East, when less than three miles from Westminster, Iranian backed proxies are merrily doing business in the City of London.īut it is not just the freedom to trade on our shores that we offer our adversaries. That is one big reason why we need a new Office of Economic Statecraft tasked with sorting out the intelligence, economic models, and plans for economic resilience. ![]() And when we asked Minister Kevin Hollinrake the simple question “Who’s in charge?” on Tuesday, there was confusion and finally silence. Each has their own focus and competing priorities. When we looked into the matter last week, we found an alphabet soup of at least 25 different supervisors and agencies responsible for enforcing the rules we have. We are not helped by the lack of a single centre of government that ensures concerted action. No wonder the National Crime Agency told my committee that Britain is still one of the world’s favourite places to launder money. It is dwarfed by the £157bn cost of fraud alone to UK businesses small and large – a sum that is almost the entire budget for NHS England. The budget for Companies House was £89m last year. Some well-known loopholes like “limited partnerships” – which are actively marketed to Russian oligarchs – as a way to hide their money, won’t be closed at all.Īnd the battle against economic crime is hopelessly under-funded. Last week, my Committee heard that laws to check the identity of new company directors will take at least 18 months. The story underlines the point that our defence against economic crime is best described as all holes and no net. ![]()
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